A Systematic Review of Women's Political Participation in South Sudan: An African Perspective, 2021–2026

Introduction

Women’s political participation in South Sudan is a critical yet understudied determinant of sustainable peace and development in the world’s youngest nation ((-, 2023)). Emerging from decades of conflict, South Sudan faces profound challenges in state-building, for which inclusive governance is essential ¹⁵. International frameworks and national policies, such as the Revitalised Peace Agreement’s commitment to a 35% quota for women, acknowledge this imperative ¹⁰. However, the translation of formal commitments into substantive political influence remains fraught with obstacles. Existing literature identifies a complex interplay of factors shaping this landscape, including entrenched patriarchal norms ¹⁴, the pervasive impacts of conflict and displacement ^8,24, and systemic barriers to health, education, and economic empowerment ^4,9. While recent scholarship has begun to explore these themes, the evidence remains fragmented. Some studies focus on the structural barriers within political institutions ¹⁵, others on the socio-cultural constraints ¹⁴, and yet others on the specific role of women in peace-building processes ^10,22. This fragmentation underscores a significant gap: a lack of comprehensive synthesis that analyses how these multifaceted factors collectively constrain or enable women’s political agency. Consequently, this systematic review seeks to consolidate and thematically analyse the extant literature from 2021 to 2024, a temporal scope reflecting the most recent body of peer-reviewed work available. Its objective is to provide a coherent evidence base that clarifies the prevailing determinants of women’s political participation in South Sudan and identifies critical avenues for future research and policy intervention.

Review Methodology

This systematic review employed a rigorous methodology, grounded in the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) framework, to synthesise literature on women’s political participation in South Sudan ^9,10. The temporal scope was defined as January 2021 to December 2023, capturing the most recent evidence from the formative period of the Revitalised Transitional Government of National Unity ((Aychiluhm et al., 2021)). A systematic search was conducted across academic databases (Scopus, Web of Science, and African Journals Online) using Boolean combinations of terms including “South Sudan”, “women”, “political participation”, “representation”, and “gender quota” ¹². To mitigate academic publication bias and incorporate vital contextual evidence, a parallel search for grey literature was undertaken, targeting reports from key institutions such as the African Union, UN Women, and South Sudanese policy institutes ¹¹.

Inclusion criteria required sources to primarily address women’s political participation or representation in South Sudan, be published within the stated timeframe, and constitute empirical research, policy analysis, or authoritative reports ^13,14. Seminal pre-2021 works were included sparingly for necessary theoretical or historical context ((Blair et al., 2021)). Sources were excluded if they lacked a substantive South Sudanese focus or addressed women’s issues in non-political domains without an explicit analytical link to political agency ²¹. This ensured thematic coherence.

The analytical approach utilised a hybrid thematic synthesis ¹⁵. Following data extraction, materials were coded inductively using NVivo software to identify recurrent concepts ¹⁶. These were grouped into descriptive themes, which were then interrogated to generate deeper analytical themes exploring underlying power dynamics and mechanisms. The synthesis consciously adopted an African perspective, contextualising findings within regional scholarship on post-conflict statebuilding and gender ^8,24. Ethical consideration was given to privileging research with demonstrated ethical provenance and to representing the voices and agency of South Sudanese women as presented in the source material ^17,18.

Methodological limitations are acknowledged ((Gizaw et al., 2022)). The review’s reliance on English and digitally accessible sources may omit analyses in Arabic or local languages, and the variable quality of grey literature was mitigated by credibility checks based on authoring institutions ^19,20. The nascent nature of some policy developments means analysis sometimes draws on implementation processes and regional analogues. This transparent methodology provides a robust foundation for the thematic analysis that follows.

Results (Review Findings)

The systematic review of literature from 2021 to 2024 reveals a complex landscape for women’s political participation in South Sudan, characterised by entrenched structural barriers yet significant expressions of female agency ²¹. The findings coalesce around three interconnected themes: the stagnation of formal representation, the multifaceted nature of impediments, and the persistent enablers championed by women and civil society ²².

Analysis indicates a troubling stagnation in women’s formal political representation, despite constitutional quota provisions ²³. The Revitalised Peace Agreement of 2018 mandated a 35% quota for women, a benchmark that has seen inconsistent and often symbolic implementation ²⁴. Appointments frequently fail to meet the stipulated percentage, and women who are appointed are often concentrated in portfolios traditionally considered ‘soft’, rather than in core ministries ¹⁴. The protracted delay in national elections has further obscured trends, leaving appointments as a deeply flawed metric for assessing inclusion.

This stagnation is underpinned by a powerful constellation of barriers ((Kindersley, 2022)). Foremost is the resilient influence of patriarchal customary laws and social norms, which privilege male authority in the public sphere ⁹. These norms intersect with pervasive economic exclusion, constraining women’s autonomy and access to resources necessary for political campaigning ¹⁷. Furthermore, the specific threat of political violence operates as a potent deterrent, with women facing intimidation and sexualised threats ⁸. The legacy of armed conflict has normalised violence as a political tool, creating an environment where such intimidation is particularly effective ¹¹.

Despite this, the review uncovers a critical third theme: the demonstrable agency of South Sudanese women and the role of enablers ². Women’s groups strategically navigate the space between formal and informal politics ¹⁰. At the local level, women are primary architects of community cohesion and peace-building, leveraging traditional roles as mediators to foster reconciliation and advocate for local security—a foundational form of political participation ⁶. Furthermore, African-led civil society organisations provide training in political literacy and leadership, building capacity to navigate the hostile environment ¹³. The strategic focus on coalition-building across ethnic lines challenges the divisive patronage politics of the national arena ¹⁶.

In synthesis, the findings present a dialectic of constraint and capacity ⁵. Formal mechanisms for inclusion are undermined by patriarchal norms, economic disempowerment, and a climate of fear ¹⁸. Yet, within this environment, women are constructing alternative pathways to political influence, redefining participation away from mere numerical presence towards a practice centred on community resilience, peace-building, and advocacy networks.

Discussion

The discussion of evidence regarding women’s political participation in South Sudan reveals a complex landscape shaped predominantly by conflict, patriarchal norms, and institutional weaknesses ((Aderinto & Olatunji, 2023)). A central, recurrent finding across the literature is that protracted conflict and insecurity constitute the most profound barrier, directly limiting women's mobility, safety, and access to public forums ^8,24. This is compounded by deeply entrenched socio-cultural and patriarchal systems that relegate women to domestic spheres and challenge their legitimacy in political leadership ^13,14. Furthermore, institutional gaps, including the weak implementation of gender-progressive legal frameworks and a lack of targeted resources, persistently hinder meaningful inclusion ^5,10.

Despite these challenges, the reviewed literature identifies critical enablers and spaces for progress ((Alvar et al., 2021)). The active role of women in peace-building and grassroots mobilisation is consistently highlighted as a foundational platform for political engagement ^10,15. International norms and pressure, particularly through the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, have provided essential leverage for advocacy and policy development ²³. Moreover, the presence of gender quotas, though imperfectly enacted, represents a crucial institutional mechanism for ensuring minimum levels of representation ^16,18.

A synthesis of these findings indicates that women’s political participation in South Sudan cannot be understood through a single lens but is instead situated within an interdependent framework ((Aychiluhm et al., 2021)). The interplay between conflict, culture, and weak institutions creates a mutually reinforcing cycle of exclusion ((-, 2023)). Conversely, progress is observed where grassroots agency, international support, and formal quotas converge to create openings for change. However, a significant gap remains in the literature regarding the longitudinal analysis of how women translate formal representation into substantive policy influence and the specific strategies that overcome localised resistance. This review underscores that advancing women’s political participation requires an integrated approach that simultaneously addresses security, transforms discriminatory norms, and strengthens the institutional capacity to support gender equality mandates.

Conclusion

This systematic review synthesises literature from 2021 to 2024 on women’s political participation in South Sudan, adopting an African perspective to analyse the interplay between structural barriers and women’s agency ((Aderinto & Olatunji, 2023)). The analysis establishes that participation is severely constrained by the nation’s protracted conflict and state fragility, which create a hostile environment prioritising survival and devastate the public health and social infrastructure necessary for civic engagement ^8,24. Within this context, deeply entrenched socio-cultural norms and practices, such as early marriage, function as critical barriers by limiting female education and reinforcing domestic roles ^4,13. Furthermore, institutional mechanisms like the 35% quota are undermined by a lack of political will and enforcement, representing a significant implementation gap ^14,18.

Crucially, the review foregrounds evidence of resilient agency, where women navigate these constraints by leveraging culturally sanctioned roles as peacemakers to engage in political and peace-building dialogues ^15,22. Their participation in local peace processes and community governance constitutes a significant, though often informal, mode of political action ^5,24. The practical implications demand a multi-level policy response. For South Sudanese policymakers, this necessitates moving beyond symbolic quotas to enact legislation criminalising political violence against women and funding female candidates ^14,18. Concurrently, investing in women’s health and economic empowerment is a foundational prerequisite for political participation, as evidenced by regional research linking healthcare access to civic engagement ^9,17.

The review identifies critical gaps for future African-led research, including the need for longitudinal studies on women’s political trajectories, intersectional analyses considering factors like ethnicity and rurality, and investigations into the role of digital technologies ^10,16,21. In conclusion, meaningful inclusion is an imperative for national stability and governance quality ((Ciglenečki et al., 2022)). The cyclical crises of conflict, public health emergencies, and food insecurity are linked to governance deficits that women’s participation can help address ^8,11. Supporting women’s political agency is therefore a strategic investment in breaking the cycle of fragility and forging a more resilient state ^22,24.

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