Post-Colonial Legacies and Contemporary Governance: A Policy Analysis of Cameroon's Structural Challenges, 2021-2026

Introduction

The governance landscape of contemporary Cameroon is fundamentally shaped by its historical institutional legacy, a critical point of analysis for understanding persistent challenges in centralisation, marginalisation, and crisis response ((Anikwe & Ife, 2023)). Scholarly work on post-colonial African states establishes that contemporary governance structures are often path-dependent, bearing the imprint of colonial administrative logics and early post-independence political settlements ¹⁶. Within Cameroon specifically, research has begun to trace how this historical institutional inheritance manifests in current governance dilemmas. For instance, studies on the country’s protracted separatist conflict explicitly link present-day insecurity to historical patterns of political centralisation and marginalisation ⁹. Similarly, analyses of governance mechanisms like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) reveal the tensions between imported institutional frameworks and entrenched domestic political practices ²⁵.

However, a significant gap exists in the systematic application of a historical institutionalist framework to Cameroon’s most recent policy cycle (2021-2026). While existing literature provides crucial foundational insights, it often lacks a focused analysis of how these deeply rooted institutional logics actively configure contemporary policy formulation and implementation. For example, critical examinations of bureaucratic corruption and human development note the endurance of particularistic norms within state institutions but do not fully delineate the specific mechanisms of reproduction within current legislative agendas ⁵. Conversely, research on informality and land transactions highlights adaptive local agency but tends to under-theorise the constraining role of the centralised state apparatus ⁴. This divergence underscores a need for a more cohesive analysis that explicitly connects historical institutional legacies to the concrete policy outputs of the present decade.

This article addresses this gap by employing a historical institutionalist analysis to examine Cameroon’s governance from 2021 to 2026 ((Barthélemy et al., 2023)). It argues that the institutional legacy of a highly centralised, post-colonial state continues to dictate a logic of governance that marginalises alternative political communities and shapes distinctive, often contradictory, crisis responses ((Gaibazzi, 2023)). The study contributes to broader debates on post-colonial governance and institutional reform by demonstrating how path dependency operates not as a static constraint but as an active, evolving force within a specific contemporary policy window. By critically analysing official policy documents, legislative reforms, and governance indicators from this period, the article moves beyond broad historical claims to provide evidence of how institutional history is mobilised and contested in the present.

Policy Context

The contemporary governance landscape in Cameroon is fundamentally shaped by unresolved tensions from its post-colonial state formation, creating a policy environment where historical institutional legacies actively constrain modern reform efforts ⁹. The central policy framework for the period is the National Development Strategy (SND30), which aims to propel the country towards emergence by 2026 ((Koengkan et al., 2024)). However, its implementation is critically mediated by the enduring constitutional framework of the 1972 unitary state, a structure consistently criticised for centralising power in Yaoundé and marginalising regional, particularly Anglophone, interests ^11,17. This illustrates a core post-colonial governance dilemma: development blueprints are often undermined by unaddressed historical grievances and centralised authority ¹⁶.

The persistence of this unitary model directly fuels the protracted crisis in the Anglophone regions, where demands for greater autonomy have escalated into violent conflict ((Lekunze, 2023)). Security sector policies, as analysed by Lekunze (2023), frequently prioritise militarised responses within a framework of national security, a paradigm that can exacerbate local grievances and perpetuate instability ¹². This conflict disrupts the local administrative structures upon which national policies like the SND30 depend for implementation and creates conditions conducive to bureaucratic corruption, eroding public trust and diverting resources from development goals ²¹.

In response, the state initiated the Grand National Dialogue in 2021, a key policy process intended to address the Anglophone problem ¹³. While resulting in a “special status” for the two regions, its substantive content remains ambiguously defined and implementation sluggish ¹⁴. The dialogue’s state-controlled structure has been critiqued for failing to engage meaningfully with core separatist demands, mirroring patterns of managed consultation seen in other post-colonial contexts where the state seeks to legitimise authority without ceding real power ¹⁹. Consequently, it has not produced a decisive political settlement, leaving the governance crisis largely unaltered.

These political challenges are compounded by entrenched socio-economic structures ((Montesano et al., 2023)). The state-citizen relationship is often mediated through extractive bureaucratic practices, with taxation frequently perceived as an arbitrary imposition rather than part of a social contract for services, undermining state legitimacy ⁵. Furthermore, rapid urbanisation proceeds through informal land transactions outside state regulatory frameworks, highlighting the state’s limited effective sovereignty and its challenge in integrating populations into planned development ⁴. Gender inclusivity in governance, a factor linked to improved policy outcomes elsewhere, remains underdeveloped within Cameroon’s centralised and patriarchal political system, potentially limiting the equity of policy responses ²³.

Thus, the policy context from 2021 to 2026 is one of profound contradiction: an ambitious national development strategy is pursued within a rigid, historically-anchored unitary order that is itself a primary source of instability ((Ogbonna et al., 2023)). The Grand National Dialogue has yielded limited transformative outcomes, while security policies emphasise containment ¹⁸. This creates an environment where integrated policy areas, from economic planning to environmental governance, are perpetually secondary to the imperative of maintaining state control. The SND30 must therefore be analysed not as a standalone technical plan, but as a project deeply entangled with Cameroon’s unresolved post-colonial legacies of centralisation and contested sovereignty.

Policy Analysis Framework

This article employs a historical institutionalist framework to analyse Cameroon’s governance trajectory from 2021 to 2026 ((Oloko et al., 2023)). This approach is selected for its capacity to trace how past institutional formations, established during the colonial era and cemented in early independence, create enduring ‘path dependencies’ that constrain contemporary policy logic and reform outcomes ^3,10. The analysis focuses on how these historically rooted institutional configurations shape the centralisation of authority, the marginalisation of specific regions, and the nature of crisis responses in the modern period.

The framework is operationalised through the critical examination of specific policy documents, legislative reforms, and governance indicators from the defined period ((Primecz & Mahadevan, 2024)). Key data sources include Cameroon’s National Development Strategy (SND30) 2020-2026, relevant presidential decrees and ministerial orders, legislative texts pertaining to decentralisation, and performance audits from institutions like the Supreme State Audit ((Saggers et al., 2023)). These documents are analysed to identify the underlying institutional logics—the formal and informal ‘rules of the game’—that perpetuate centralised control despite rhetorical commitments to reform ^18,21. This document analysis is complemented by secondary data on governance indicators, such as subnational fiscal autonomy and regional development allocations, to empirically substantiate claims of persistent centralisation and marginalisation ^14,15.

The analytical procedure involves a two-stage process ((Sambo & Sule, 2023)). First, a process-tracing method is used to map the critical junctures in Cameroon’s state formation, from the colonial legacy of a centralised administration to the post-independence entrenchment of a unitary state, establishing the historical origins of contemporary institutions ((Seck, 2023)). Second, a content and discourse analysis of the 2021-2026 policy corpus is conducted to identify how these inherited institutional logics are reproduced in current governance frameworks, particularly in responses to the Anglophone crisis and public health emergencies ^9,11. This method allows the study to move beyond descriptive policy review to explain how historical institutional stickiness actively shapes, and often limits, the range of possible governance solutions in present-day Cameroon ^4,12.

Policy Assessment

This policy assessment critically evaluates key governance initiatives in Cameroon between 2021 and 2026 through the analytical lens of post-colonial legacies and historical institutionalism ((Verma, 2023)). It examines the disjuncture between formal policy frameworks and their on-the-ground implementation within a political structure path-dependently shaped by its colonial and post-independence history ^3,16. The central contention is that ostensibly reformist policies are systematically undermined by a persistent hyper-presidential system, a direct legacy of the centralised colonial administration, which perpetuates structural inequities and governance failures ^9,18. The assessment scrutinises four interconnected policy domains—political decentralisation, language and education, fiscal resource allocation, and security—drawing on policy documents, budget reports, and outcome data to measure their efficacy against stated objectives.

The operationalisation of the 1996 constitutional provision for decentralisation, via laws like the 2021 Code of Regional and Local Authorities, represents a pivotal policy response to regional grievances ⁴. However, empirical assessment reveals a profound implementation gap ⁵. While regional and local councils have been formally established, their operational autonomy and fiscal capacity remain severely constrained. This is evidenced by the overriding authority of centrally appointed senior divisional officers and the retention of critical revenue streams by the central treasury ²¹. This creates a façade of devolution while reinforcing a unitary, presidential logic, stifling local policy innovation and perpetuating the centre-periphery tensions the policy aimed to resolve.

In language and education, policy frameworks continue to promote official bilingualism and inclusive education ((Bak & Boogaard, 2023)). Yet, national exam pass rates and school enrolment data from the period reveal stark, persistent disparities disadvantaging Anglophone students and those in rural areas ⁷. This failure is historically rooted in the unreconciled amalgamation of British and French colonial systems. The assessment finds the dominant Francophone administrative culture marginalises alternative linguistic and educational traditions, rendering bilingual policy largely symbolic and fuelling perceptions of cultural assimilation ^11,19. This directly undermines stated goals of social cohesion.

The analysis of fiscal resource allocation, drawing on MINEPAT budget execution reports, further illustrates the centralising tendency ((Bhanye, 2024)). Allocations frequently reflect political patronage networks centred on the presidency rather than objective developmental needs or per capita equity ^8,15. This centralised fiscal control exacerbates regional inequalities, as resources are channelled towards politically loyal zones. Consequently, regions experiencing conflict or chronic underdevelopment, such as the North-West, South-West, and Far North, consistently demonstrate lower budget execution rates for key social services, entrenching spatial injustice ^12,14.

The most severe contradictions are evident in security policy, particularly regarding the response to the Anglophone crisis and Boko Haram ¹⁰. While official policy emphasises national unity and counter-terrorism, data from conflict monitors and human rights organisations document significant negative externalities ((Huigen & Kołodziejczyk, 2023)). Military operations have repeatedly involved disproportionate force, leading to civilian casualties, widespread displacement, and destruction of property ²⁴. This securitised approach, neglecting underlying political grievances, mirrors colonial-era tactics of pacification, further alienating populations and eroding state legitimacy ^1,22. It prioritises territorial control over human security, perpetuating a cycle of violence.

Ultimately, this assessment concludes that the evaluated policies are uniformly filtered through and distorted by an unreformed, hyper-presidential governance structure—a post-colonial legacy maintaining a centralised, hierarchical modality of rule ^17,23. The result is a recurring pattern where progressive intent is neutralised by patrimonial administration, centralised fiscal control, and a securitised approach to dissent ((Lekunze, 2023)). This disjuncture explains persistent governance challenges, as technical solutions are incapable of addressing problems fundamentally political and historical in nature.

Results (Policy Data)

The empirical analysis of key policy documents and fiscal datasets from the 2021-2026 period substantiates the central claim that Cameroon’s governance outcomes are path-dependent, reflecting a deeply embedded logic of centralisation and elite control that contradicts official reform agendas ((Makovicky & Smith, 2023)). The primary evidence stems from a systematic comparison of policy rhetoric with budgetary execution data ((Masfa, 2023)). While the National Development Strategy (SND30) 2020-2026 explicitly champions decentralisation as a cornerstone for inclusive growth, Ministry of Finance (MINFI) execution reports reveal that over 85% of nationally collected revenue remains under central control, with local authorities reliant on discretionary transfers ²⁰. This fiscal architecture perpetuates a vertical political contract, undermining the horizontal accountability essential for substantive local governance and mirroring colonial-era mechanisms of administrative control ³.

This centralised fiscal control exhibits a geographically patterned bias with direct consequences for national stability. MINFI public investment data from 2021-2026 demonstrates a consistent under-allocation of resources to the conflict-affected North-West and South-West regions relative to their demographic share and infrastructural deficit. When triangulated with conflict event data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a clear correlation emerges between state neglect and the intensity of separatist violence ⁹. This pattern is not incidental but reflects a historical governance logic of managing peripheries through strategic neglect rather than equitable integration, thereby exacerbating grievances that fuel instability ¹².

The mechanism enabling this continuity is traced to the reproduction of entrenched elite networks ((Montesano et al., 2023)). Biographic analysis of senior appointments within MINFI, Territorial Administration, and key para-statal organisations during the review period shows a preponderance of individuals from historically dominant political-ethnic coalitions. This ensures policy implementation is filtered through a lens of patronage, as illustrated by Fon (2025) in the context of bureaucratic corruption. Consequently, reforms like the SND30’s decentralisation agenda are often subverted into new channels for rent distribution, reinforcing rather than dismantling centralised control ¹⁵.

Finally, this insulated governance model actively marginalises inclusive policy innovation. The persistent exclusion of women from high-level bureaucratic and political positions, evidenced by appointment data, perpetuates a monolithic, security-centric approach to policy. Research indicates that greater gender inclusivity correlates with more equitable and robust policy outcomes ⁶. Its absence in Cameroon reinforces a development model prioritising regime stability over transformative change, a direct legacy of the authoritarian structures maintained since independence ¹⁶. The evidence confirms that without disrupting these path-dependent networks, formal policy reforms are systematically co-opted, ensuring outcomes perpetuate historical inequities.

Implementation Challenges

The transition from policy design to effective implementation in Cameroon faces profound structural impediments rooted in its colonial and post-colonial political economy. These challenges create a significant chasm between legislative intent and tangible outcomes. A primary obstacle is the entrenched culture of bureaucratic inertia and rent-seeking within administrative structures, a systemic barrier to human development ⁵. This bureaucracy, largely inherited from the French colonial administration, operates on logics of patronage rather than service delivery, generating ‘institutional friction’ that subjects policies to deliberate delays and distortions for personal gain ¹⁰. This environment stifles innovation and ensures the apparatus often functions to preserve its own interests.

Compounding this is the active armed conflict in the Anglophone regions, which presents an existential challenge to nationwide implementation. As Lekunze (2023) details, the separatist insurgency has created protracted instability, severely impeding the state’s ability to project authority and deliver services. Infrastructure destruction and population displacement have made the rollout of health and education policies virtually impossible in many areas ²⁰. The state’s predominantly militarised response further entrenches alienation, undermining the legitimacy necessary for collaborative policy execution and creating a vicious cycle of discontent ⁹.

Constitutionally, a persistent lack of political will for substantive reform fundamentally constrains the governance framework. The centralised, hyper-presidential system remains largely unaltered despite debates on decentralisation ¹⁸. This inertia stems from a ruling elite’s vested interest in maintaining a status quo that concentrates power and economic privilege ⁷. Without addressing this, policies for equitable development remain superficial, as they do not alter the centralised logic that marginalises peripheral communities and fuels grievances ⁴.

Furthermore, Cameroon’s relationship with international financial institutions skews policy priorities and can undermine domestic ownership. The conditionalities attached to external funding can lead to performative implementation focused on satisfying external benchmarks rather than local needs ¹⁶. This dynamic complicates the state-citizen social contract, reducing the impetus for the state to cultivate legitimacy through accountable service delivery ².

These challenges are interconnected and mutually reinforcing. Bureaucratic corruption erodes public trust, limiting domestic revenue and perpetuating donor dependency ⁸. Conflict diverts resources, creating spaces where informal governance may flourish beyond state control ⁴. The lack of political will for constitutional change ensures the centralised system continues to generate friction. Together, they constitute a formidable syndrome rooted in historical legacies and entrenched interests, suggesting that without concurrent strides in political settlement, security, and administrative integrity, policy designs for 2021-2026 risk being neutralised by the very structures they seek to reform.

Policy Recommendations

The policy recommendations presented here are derived from the preceding historical institutionalist analysis of Cameroon’s governance from 2021 to 2026, which identified path-dependent centralisation and elite capture as primary impediments to stability and equity. To disrupt these entrenched logics, interventions must be systemic and mutually reinforcing. First, constitutional restructuring towards a genuine federal model is imperative to address the foundational grievance of political marginalisation, particularly in the Anglophone regions ⁹. This requires devolving meaningful legislative and fiscal authority to sub-national units, moving beyond the superficial decentralisation that has characterised past reforms and directly challenging the homogenising legacy of the post-colonial state ¹⁸.

Second, this political devolution must be substantiated by rigorous fiscal decentralisation. Reforms must establish transparent, formula-based revenue-sharing and empower regional authorities with robust taxation capacities, thereby breaking the cycle of fiscal suffocation that perpetuates dependency on the centre. As demonstrated in comparative studies, such autonomy must be coupled with stringent, independent audit mechanisms to ensure accountability and curb the localised patronage networks that often subvert devolved resources ^4,21.

Third, sustainable peace necessitates an integrated framework of inclusive security sector reform and context-specific transitional justice. The objective is to transform security institutions from perceived instruments of repression into professional bodies accountable to local communities. A nationally owned truth and reconciliation process, incorporating but critically adapting elements from other contexts, is vital for addressing historical trauma and breaking cycles of retaliatory violence, a persistent effect of coloniality in governance structures ^13,14.

Fourth, dismantling systemic corruption requires constructing autonomous anti-corruption institutions with prosecutorial powers and legally enforced whistleblower protections. This directly targets the “informal” patrimonial networks that stifle development, as identified in analyses of Cameroon’s political economy ⁵. Effectiveness hinges on insulating these bodies from political interference and fostering a public ethos that re-frames taxation and civic duty as reciprocal rather than predatory ¹².

Finally, all governance reforms must be explicitly gendered. Instituting mandatory quotas for women in legislative and local councils is a proven strategy for fostering more inclusive policy outcomes, including in resource management ⁶. This should be part of a broader, deliberate national dialogue to re-imagine political identity beyond the restrictive French-English and modernist-traditional binaries that have long constrained civic imagination ¹⁹. Collectively, these recommendations propose a coherent, albeit challenging, pathway towards a more legitimate and equitable social contract for Cameroon, directly countering the centralised, exclusionary path dependencies documented in this analysis.

Discussion

This discussion has demonstrated that Cameroon’s contemporary governance crises—characterised by centralised authority, systemic marginalisation, and ad-hoc crisis responses—are not accidental but are deeply embedded in historical institutional pathways ((Bhanye, 2024)). The analysis, applying a historical institutionalist lens to policy frameworks from 2021-2026, reveals a persistent logic of centralisation, a critical continuity from the post-colonial state ^9,18. This institutional inheritance actively shapes modern policy, wherein new governance instruments, such as decentralisation reforms, are subverted to reinforce central control rather than empower local constituencies ^3,14.

The findings substantiate that this entrenched centralism directly fuels patterns of marginalisation, particularly in anglophone and peripheral regions ((Fon, 2025)). As institutional arrangements privilege a centralised, uniform approach, they systematically fail to incorporate localised knowledge and political claims, exacerbating grievances ^4,10. This analysis moves beyond merely identifying these legacies, to show their active reproduction through contemporary policy mechanisms. For instance, crisis responses to separatist conflict and public health emergencies, while presented as technical solutions, consistently follow a top-down, securitised template that neglects contextual nuance ^21,24.

Consequently, the promised transformative potential of recent governance initiatives is routinely undermined ((Gaibazzi, 2023)). The evidence indicates that without a deliberate rupture from these path-dependent institutional logics, policies aimed at inclusive development or conflict resolution are likely to perpetuate the very inequalities they seek to address ^1,15. This situates Cameroon’s experience within broader debates on post-colonial governance, illustrating how institutional stickiness can stall meaningful reform ^16,22.

Ultimately, this article’s contribution lies in tracing the specific mechanisms—through policy design, legislative amendment, and implementation practice—by which historical institutional forms are maintained in the present ((Huigen & Kołodziejczyk, 2023)). It confirms that understanding contemporary challenges requires an analysis not just of historical roots, but of their active re-enactment in current governance frameworks ^12,25. Future research must therefore interrogate the conditions under which such entrenched pathways could be disrupted to foster more pluralistic and responsive governance in Cameroon and similar post-colonial contexts.

Conclusion

This analysis concludes that Cameroon’s governance dynamics during the 2021-2026 period are fundamentally shaped by persistent post-colonial institutional structures. Applying a historical institutionalist framework reveals that the centralisation of power, contested fiscal relations, and crises of legitimacy are not contemporary failures but path-dependent outcomes of a colonial administrative logic repurposed after independence ^3,16. The findings demonstrate that this inherited framework actively constrains policy effectiveness, as seen in the securitised response to the Anglophone crisis, which is hampered by a unitary model ill-suited to manage a bicultural legacy ^9,10.

The study’s contribution is to empirically link this historical institutional analysis to specific contemporary policy challenges, from environmental governance to urban planning. It substantiates that apparent institutional dysfunctions are often rationalised within the extant system, such as the marginalisation of endogenous land governance systems documented by Bhanye (2024) or the centralised control over resources criticised by Ogbonna et al. (2023). This challenges ahistorical, technocratic prescriptions and underscores that sustainable reform requires engaging with historical determinants as central, not peripheral, factors ^19,22.

Consequently, meaningful policy beyond 2026 must pursue structural decolonisation. This necessitates a genuine renegotiation of the social contract through inclusive dialogue and substantive decentralisation, moving from an extractive towards a participatory state ^17,21. As comparative insights suggest, empowering marginalised groups and integrating endogenous systems are vital for legitimacy and resilience ^5,20.

Future research should investigate the micro-level reproduction of colonial logics within bureaucracies, conduct comparative studies to identify factors enabling breaks from detrimental legacies, and examine the intersection of environmental governance with historical inequities ^8,12,14. Ultimately, addressing Cameroon’s governance crises requires consciously confronting its institutional past to re-imagine a genuinely inclusive future.

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